Gr: Letters from Τortured Prisoners, Letter from G. Tsakalos, Two last Communiques of CCF, Cops kidnap a Syndicalist.

Debtor's Prison

 The fascistic behavior of the human - guards in jailhouses keeps on and reaches (for one more time) the point that prison - officers beat up a prisoner in the jailhouses of Corinthos. Translation of a letter from four prisoners and a letter from the prisoner Charalampos Avramides who was attacked by human - guards.


 "During the last week situations of extreme fascistic behavior take place in the "dukedom" of Corinthos' jailhouses. And we use the word Dukedom, because chairmen, sergeants, step - sergeants, emploees are almost all of them residents of Corinthian area, some of them with the same surname, who obviously consider the jailhouse as their "private - owning family manor".


 On 3rd January 2011 comes back from the outside (after the jail authorities' permision to meet his family for christmas vacations) one of the persons who lives in our cell and instead of coming back to our cell, - as always happens after permisions -, where still lay his personal stuff, the guards lock him in another cell where he sleeps on the floor. In his position (and on his bed) they bring a prisoner, who has just arrived from another jailhouse. We intensely reacted, demanding to bring back our cellmate in our cell. Then, the chief - seargent Mr. Sotirios Tziavikos (a member of the famous Tziavikos' Family human - guards) - in order to "show who is the boss" and that he does not stand any protests or "demands" from the prisoners' side - ordered to leave the cell also the two rest of us and be removed to chambers. Of course we denied to any removal, saying that the only way to remove us is to bring us to the detention barrack ... The chief - seargent ordered us to pick up our personal stuff, while informing us that "here happens only what he wants".


 Because of Dignity - which the human - guards do not have and that's why they do not understand it - we denied his orders again, contesting the self evidenced and bare: namely, the cabality to chose (as much as someone can talk about "choice" inside the wretch conditions of imprisoning) the people with whom we will live together, denying to be treated like objects that are put on shells anyhow and anywhen the human - guards want it.


 Two days later, on Wednesday 5th, during the afternoon, when the jailhouse shuts down, the human - guards after locking up the cells, they took out one of our cellmates to the corridor, put handcuffs on him and started beating him up until they threw him inside the detention barrack. Of course, we were all understanding how different would have been the results and situation if the opposite had happened ...


 The report of these events is resulted by what our dignity orders us to do because we do not expect anything, neither beg anything from any official "authority in duty". Moreover, the authorities have proved in actions ... how "emotional" they are against prisoners - outcasts, poor devils, immigrants and those who doubt their mastership."



The  prisoners from cell 2 in Corinthos' jailhouses


Charalampos Avramides


Demetres Tsikrikes

Christoforos Korteses








 Letter from the prisoner Charalampos Avramides


 Since the time I stepped out from the cell, I was attacked without any reason from the human - guards Mr. Georgios Michos, Mr. Vasilios Kotses and Mr. Marinos Stavrou. While they were beating me up and when I saw the handcuffs they were holding, I understood at once what would follow for me while being in their hands. Because in the eyes of a human - guard the prisoners are just body - sacks. While I was attacked from the three human - guards, it was reasonable to resist to them. I know very well that from here have also passed other prisoners who were tortured on a higher level than me. Until they tied me up and beat me "carefully", namely on the body and legs and not on the face. After they put the handcuffs on my hands they were trailing me on the floor for 3 - 4 metres like a sack full of muck. Sometime I made it to sit up and then the second round started. Mr. Michos grasped me with a headlock and started punching on my left ear - which is still huming and I have intense pains - and on my bodysides. They threw me in a cell - detention - barrack full of dirts and wastewaters, with a wretched mattress on the dirty floor. Humidity was making my injuries suffering much more. During the nights I was not sleeping because I know, from other prisoners who have been in the same position, what can happen during the night ... The human - guards started laughing at me, saying "oh, come on Charalampos, what else could Michos do, he was only following orders" - orders obviously coming from the chief-torturer - chief-sergeant -, or "I should have been on duty during this night and then you would have seen what should have happened to you", or they also told me "ehhhh, it's ok, only a few were caused to you, you should have suffered worse".


 The imidiate reaction and solidarity from the side of my cellmates and because the human - guards wanted "the event to remain been spoken only inside the jail", made them start having a "sweet" behavior to the prisoners. But, as much perfume they will put on them, they will still keep stinking like pigs!


 After three days in the detention - barrack they transfered me into a chamber, where instead of 10 are sleeping 26 persons, some of them two on one-person's-bed, telling me that in ten days I will be back in my cell ...



 Yesterday it was the time of my brother

 Today it's mine

 Tommorrow the time of us all.





 Charalampos Avramides

Corinthos' Jailhouses

7th January 2011















LETTER FROM GERASIMOS TSAKALOS Member of the Cell of Imprisoned Members of the Conspiracy


 We have rage


 On the morning of November 1stwe were moving around in the area of Pagkrati in order to act in the framework of the campaign for international solidarity the organization had decided together with comrade and brother P.Argirou. Because, however, of the police-like curiosity of an employee of a courier company, certain personal errors and our being surrounded by the pigs of the DIAS group and other police forces that isolated the area, there was little choice and we were led to the building of GADA (police headquarters building) to the floor of the anti-terrorist police. Despite the fact that my recognition was immediate, since one of the directors of some department amidst kicks and punches the moment when I was sitting in a stationary position shouted “it's Makis”, I denied to give my information for the first few hours, with the hope of gaining precious time in order to help my comrades. We refused to have our fingerprints taken, photographs, dna and generally we refused to sign anything or to help in the least these pigs, holding the obvious attitude that every revolutionary should have.


 The interrogation began with the usual offensive comments. That were decreased temporarily when they noticed a tattoo that I have with the word “conspiracy”, which made them change their attitude. Knowing that they would try to take photographs to publicize it I sat with my head bent down in order to avoid it. Then pretending that they would transport me to the detention room, they took me out to the corridor of the 12thfloor where, pulling my head, they told me to watch where I'm going. At that time I was photographed by the camera that was in the corridor. It is the photograph that was published after our arrest. So began an interrogation that lasted roughly 3 days which fluctuated depending on what was happening outside. Annoyed by the constant repetition of my answer “I have nothing to declare” they began provoking me again with offenses and provocations about individuals that I knew, or not. The interrogations took place in two rooms, and in one of the two, where I had communication with my lawyer and my mother, an officer of the anti-terrorist informed me the last day that they were both rooms with microphones and cameras.


 As for my DNA, after the arrest, my socks were immediately confiscated for the corresponding sample, while even during my transport, while they had my head pressed down, somebody with surgical gloves forcefully pulled hair from my head, again for a DNA sample. Their stress and anxiety increased, seeing our negative attitude to their questions, while at the same time outside the incendiary parcels continued to be delivered to the recipients, according to the plan of the organization. The threats increased, talking of killing me on Imitos mountain and they would throw me from the window in the case that there was a problem with some plane. Obviously they meant the plane that was landed in Italy because of the parcel for Berlusconi.Their rambling continued about my supposed presence the last period of time in nightclubs and that they had located me from there, that the employee of the courier company had died from the parcel and other inconsistencies, trying to make something out of nothing. All this is not reported from the side of a victim of police violence, since I do not feel at all like this, but in order to transfer some personal experiences, so if a fighter has an “unlucky” moment, to have a better picture of the situation that he will face. The threats and the violence from the side of the cops is something expected and comprehensible as basic characteristics of their role. Moreover, thousands of prisoners have suffered severe torture in local police stations everywhere, that makes their behavior towards me civilized. We do not ask for a better police or for its humanization, but its absolute destruction through the choice of continuous attack.There are no good and bad police officers, they are only cops and Revolutionary Organizations should always attack them with all means.


  I am member of the Conspiracy Cells of Fire, I belong to the anarchist-revolutionary movement and I am proud of it. I represent a new tendency, Revolutionary Nihilism and Anarchist Antisocialism. I believe that power is not only the laws, the police, the judges, the prisons, the politicians. Not that this administration is innocent of responsibilities. The exact opposite. All these individuals that hold positions of power are a pile of creeps, liars, frauds, sadists, who take a series of devastating decisions for all of us. This fact is undeniable. Who, however, votes them? Who respects them by bowing their head? Who admires them and wants to be like them, either himself, or his children? Who keeps quiet in front of these gross injustices they commit? The answer is one.SOCIETY.It selected them, it gave them the power to take decisions on its behalf. And if we accept that everyone is entitled to a mistake, continuously making the same tragic mistake, to me seems deliberate. So, although the crowds often complain when it comes to their salaries, nevertheless they accept (and sometimes seek) the tyrannical commands of authority.They allow it to spy on the city with cameras, equip the army with new weapon systems, fill the streets with cops, give orders through the tv screens, when it would be enough to just say No.One loud, decisive and practical no. No to oppression, no to exploitation, no to compromise.However, most behind the machoism when driving and outbreaks of authority towards their family, hide their cowardice and their unwillingness to take their life into their own hands. This is something that I do not tolerate. This resignation from life. This is why I declare myself as an Anarchist Antisocialist. Because I consider that what should be put under constant challenge are social relations themselves, as they have been developed today. I reject through action and criticism the crowd that supports and depends on these alienated relations. I am an enemy of the regime and society itself in its existing form. The faith in the majority of the oppressed, in the “acquittal” of their passivity and the recognition of them as a revolutionary subject asleep given the oppression that exists, does not cover us anymore. Of this total mass, we must through our speech and our action strike the characteristics of submission that dominates it, so to create the minorities that will deny the values of the dominant culture through Revolutionary Conscience and Ethics. Only through dignity, pride, and honor we can reach the theoretical pursuits in choices of action. Self-organization, solidarity and rage arms our desires. The practical theory of the destruction of the existent in all its forms, should become the means that will unite minority subgroups towards a Revolutionary perspective. We have war against this system and its vassals. We have war with a society that is characterized by its faith in the electoral delusions, by the fear of disorder and in the end by the terror of the step to change to something new, something unpredictable. Petty-bourgeois, proletarians, bourgeois, immigrants are different subgroups which power, functioning more insightfully than the cynicism that its oratory possessed in previous decades, offers them the possibility of social evolution. A prospect desirable for many, but feasible for just a few. A prospect which appeases everyone, maintaining faith in systems closely connected to their personal ambitions. Thus, disparate social groups share the same desire to maintain the existent, making it a key characteristic of their choices.


 Certainly with the new data of the economic crisis and knowing that it is still at its beginning, we get the sense that now that the privileges of the middle and lower classes are offended, it is again timely to view the proletariat as a revolutionary subject. For us the dominant ideology of the system is economy, that leads a mass of individuals and “offers” them, either the promise of plenty material goods, or fear of scarcity and poverty. If these negative consequences reserved for the future by the economic crisis bring these minorities closer to the refusal of this system, this is surely something positive.


 The review, however, of the last century and the conditions after such crises, as of the economic one we are living these days, shows that temporary dissatisfaction almost never transforms into total refusal and rupture. For this reason we do not seek the diffusion of our words and our action using as a spearhead only the ugliness of the economic situation, something that could be simply a transitional phase of capitalism itself, but we emphasize the ongoing existential poverty, which is a permanent consequence of this world.


 We promote a transition to a more total critique and attack on the poverty of communication, artificial feelings, the lack of dignity, the small and big expressions of dominating social relations, the lack of desire to risk seeking and the fear of rupture for a freer life.


 We wish to create a revolutionary network of dozens of illegal organizations and individuals, that with continuous attacks and moves will support the diffusion of the new revolutionary guerrilla warfare. Away from the taboos that slander means and choices of struggle. The molotovs, the bombs, the stones, the guns, are simply the means that the subject that uses them gives the characteristics that he chooses. So let's make them ours, and let them become a piece of multiform and diffuse urban guerrilla warfare. We do not believe in “experts of violence”, in revolutionary pioneers or in the hierarchy of means based on legal consequences or fetishisms. Conscience and results define the means which you will use on each target. There was, there is and there will continue to be individuals that collectivize their refusals, share experiences, are organized into revolutionary formations, prepare and attack. They totally deny the existing system, risking their life and their freedom for what their conscience and their dignity represents. Diffused guerrilla warfare because everyone can become a piece of it and evolve it. With conscience, responsibility, disposal and imagination, drawing information and using materials that are in wide circulation, can make even more effective attacks. The constant upgrading of the material and technical infrastructures is our task, as is the constant theoretical search and development of revolutionaries and their formations. It is our task to become more reliable, more direct, more targeted and more dangerous. Theory to practice, this is what we represent and we will be absolutely consistent to it. Regardless of whether or not there is a prospect of direct mass conflict within the system, we live and act for now. For the satisfaction of our Ego and for the individual materialization of our desires that are collectivized through the infrastructures of diffused revolutionary guerrilla warfare.


 We promote the establishment and self-organization of illegal groups with as a spearhead of their moves the destruction of material symbols and the representatives of the system. We want, also, to include as an integral piece of the new urban guerrilla warfare, the refusal to work as one more act unbreakably connected with the rest of the choices of struggle. The robbing of banks and capitalistic targets, the organized looting in the temples of consumption, the theft of products from super-markets and other large department stores is nothing more than the application of theory to action. We refuse to live in conditions of wage slavery and we choose another life, that of pillaging the guarded wealth of the banks and the rich and illegality in a world where unfairness and exploitation is law.


 Protests should acquire a conflictual character where this is feasible and comrades should put to use the crowd of “indignant” petty bourgeois that flood the protests-epitaphs of the trade unionists, so that they can accomplish even more severe blows on targets that are in central points in the streets with the strategy of “hit and run”. Revive the barricades and surpass whatever guilty feelings which after the 5thof May (mass protest where the arson of a bank while employees and customers were still in there resulting in the suffocation and death of 3 people)play their role as a bulwark in insurrectionist violence.


 With the creation of illegal infrastructures with the organization and the consistent preparation of attacks to avoid such incidents in the future. The general condemnation of means of struggle cannot be but a closed-minded point of view behind which lurks compromise with the reformistic forms of “struggle” that the system itself allows. Multiply, therefore, the revolutionary groups, and bring to the limelight of everyday life the beauty of direct action. Do not give away even a centimeter to the enemies of freedom, let's go on the attack first with all means transferring the fear to their “safehouses” from where they control our lives.


 From the position of a hostage now, I would like also to refer concisely, to how I perceive the matter of solidarity.


 Solidarity is a significance on which real comrade relations should be built and become the beginning for the creation of revolutionary processes. It should not move in the proceeding-lack pattern of victimizing the hostages and limit itself to the expression of condemnation of police arbitrariness. Perhaps it is the logic of some anarchists who in their anxiety to achieve an approach to the decadent social majority select this painless position of defense in order to propagate certain cases of anarchist hostages. Certainly there are fabrications and cases where relationships between individuals are criminalized, this, however, does not mean that our role as revolutionaries is to focus on that without substantially affixing anything. We are revolutionaries, not lawyers whose speech should be limited to legal arbitrarinesses of cops and judges. Moreover, this is their role. Neither should we consider solidarity as a clearly friendly affair, leading thus often not to the judging of the case or the attitude of the arrested, but how liked or known he is to the movement. This way, individuals with a decent attitude that are not, however, known, or liked by some are forgotten to the altar of those “privileged” relationships. Solidarity should be an aggressive procedure away from the stock level of friendly relationships that cannot be the criterion for the mobilization of people on a case. Because this way we lead to models and relations that reproduce the dominant culture and not revolutionary anti-authoritarianism. For me solidarity is a constant proposal to struggle, is the continuation and the development of the revolutionary action for which the comrade was captured.


 It is a constant attack against the system and society, an act where the words fabrication, innocent, guilty, do not fit. Because as revolutionaries it is our duty to always be guilty for this system, always dangerous and always proud of our choices.We are not persecuted for our ideas, but because it seemed poor to us to not transubstantiate them into actions.

 Finishing, I would like to repeat what our organization wrote, and I agree absolutely, far away from us the “hyenas of solidarity”. This dreary minority which like permanent thorns parasite the movement and its processes. They spread rumors and gossip in “clusters” in cafes, or even on their mobile telephones, being indifferent to the fact that this way they put at risk individuals, turning into a joke the condition of conspiracy for the existence of an infrastructure or the completion of an action. Irresponsibility and suburban residues lead these individuals to feed the police, where thus, these conversations lead to on such terms. A recent example was the handling of the incident of the 5thof May from a part of the movement. An act that of course I support, the arson of a bank, was executed in the worst possible way and led to the dreary result of three deaths. Certain anarchists, influenced obviously by the tactic of the Media, turned the amphitheatres into “courts” where they were chairmen,these known scum of the anarchist movement, and their “verdicts” led to investigations from the cops to locate individuals. This was the reason why the new generation of the anarchist movement was targeted, when their only “error” was that they turned their back to all of these anarcho-fathers of the amphitheatres, organized alone, was kneaded in the street, lived the experiences that make you a real denier of this system and passed to the attack. To all these slimy politicants we say the obvious, such behavior is not forgotten, this is why they should not even dare to deal with the case of the Conspiracy or to show up at our court for any reason. Otherwise there will be a matter to face there or elsewhere. Those very few followers that want to be like them should fuck off and give space to a lot of new individuals with a healthy way of thought and the revolutionary dignity to act. With this extra explanation all understand, that I am not talking about the whole Anarchist/Antiauthoritarian movement, but a miserable minority of snitches and gossipers. Whoever believes that we are against actions of solidarity for hostage fighters, probably has never read our communiques. Whether through my action as a part of the Coordinative of Action for the Imprisoned Fighters, or through the texts of our organization, the matter of the prisoners was and is in our daily discussions and has a special weight on our thought. Because whoever forgets the prisoners eventually forgets the war itself. Thus, I respect the anarchists that using different means, but based on healthy revolutionary processes, act giving strength to all us in here and at the same time affix the rupture with the existing system. Undertakings, that promote the multiform aggressive solidarity I support absolutely, since I consider them best starting point for fermentation and development of perceptions and proceedings.


 Finally, I send my respect and my friendship to the Revolutionary-Nihilistic armies that give a dynamic present in the latest protests in Athens and I raise my fist to them from behind the walls. Guerrilla signals to the organizations of the new urban guerrilla warfare and to the raging comrades of Thessaloniki and the Countryside, that show that nothing is over but on the contrary new urban guerrilla warfare is now beginning…






 Tsakalos, Gerasimmos Member of the Cell of Imprisoned Members of the Conspiracy Cells of Fire



boubourAs translation for actforfreedomnow!





 CONSPIRACY CELLS OF FIRE-COMMANDO HORST FANTAZZINI claim responsibility for the bomb attack against the Administrative Court in Athens on December 30 /2010 (Greece):








 Pretrial detention in Koridallos prisons of a trade unionist worker who was arrested by plainclothes cops: